Furthermore, it also contributes to the debate regarding the regimes attempt to manufacture consent through the political direction and exploitation of the leisure time of the masses, with an original examination of a mass popular activity that has so far not received the type of attention reserved for others.
The formation of the rst national league in contributed to the emergence of a number of teams that dominated European competition in the following decade. Internationally, the Italian team won the World Cup, held in Italy, the Olympic soccer tournament in Berlin, and retained the World Cup trophy in France in Yet, despite the arguably successful attempt to construct an imagined community by politicizing this form of mass popular culture, on occasion, the regimes projected Italian identity met serious resistance that exposed some of the real and unavoidable conicts and contradictions within Fascist society and the state.
While contributing to the cultural history of Fascist Italy, this book draws overall conclusions that suggest the regimes attempt to use sport to form identity actually forced it to recognize existing tensions within society, thereby permitting the existence of the type of diversity and individuality that is not naturally associated with Fascism. Consequently, while the regime promoted its ideal of an organic, patriotic, nationalist and united nation through football, the reality was often very different.
Although calcio was an effective vehicle for promoting and disseminating the idealized Fascist, national community, occasionally it also drew considerable attention to the strong regional identities that existed throughout the peninsula. Besides the benets derived from the centralization of calcio, one of the regimes principal objectives following the takeover was to make it more adept at producing footballers and teams capable of representing the new political order and society.
By , as Carlo Levi argued under the pseudonym of Ettore Bianchi in the socialist and anti-Fascist publication Giustizia e Libert, the regimes direction of football and sport in general had created: The press and schools serve propaganda: Sport cooperates in the most efcient mode to hold the country in blissful infancy. As the contemporary football magazine Il Calcio Illustrato pointed out: Football exists, fundamentally, from collaboration.
Individuality is allowed and demanded, as leaders and the best players are needed in societies, but neither are less talented players any less important. The Italian nation is an organizm having ends, a life, a means superior in power and duration to the single individuals or groups of individuals composing it. Although unsuccessful, it was almost certainly inspired by Fascisms earlier and more successful exploitation of calcio which, as argued here, enabled it to truly reach out to mass society in a manner and on a scale unachievable through any other cultural medium.
While this study makes an obvious contribution to sports history, it is primarily a cultural study of life under the regime through the prism of football. Drawing conclusions about the games impact upon Italian identity and the attempt to manufacture consent through the exploitation of mass culture, it reects and further contributes to the existing historiographical debates by considering the following broad themes: When speaking of identity I refer to the possibility of three coexisting yet differing types: Fascist, national and local. As one of the key themes explored, calcio shows how the Italian Fascist identity, as constructed and disseminated by the regime, both reected and contradicted the national and local identities that were also intensied by Fascisms takeover and politicization of the game.
Besides considering how these differing identities were expressed through calcio, establishing their peaceable coexistence reveals much about the regimes attitude to identity itself. While it promoted an idealized Italian Fascist model in an attempt to form an albeit imagined community, there was also considerable room for differing local and national expressions that were often far removed from the party vision, but still acceptable to the regime.
The breadth of these reected the various sources of the regimes inspiration, which partly explains why such apparently contradictory identities were often allowed to coexist. As will be demonstrated, the thematic issues identied above remain interconnected throughout the study and cannot be treated as isolatedIntroduction 5 areas of investigation, due to the particular nature of football and its mass, cross-societal appeal. While this is the rst specic investigation into the nature and importance of Italian football under the regime in English, other studies of Fascist mass culture have highlighted the way that consensus, modernity, national regeneration and identity are all intertwined.
Ruth Ben-Ghiatts study of culture and modernity, which discusses Mussolinis intention to make Italians and remould behaviours and bodies, has already shown how each of the four broad themes that underpin this work were instrumental in this process. Establishing an Italian Fascist identity among citizens required a physical and psychological process of renewal and regeneration, which the regime attempted to achieve through a positive programme of physical education and a more negative eugenics policy to identify and isolate social ills.
Despite containing unquestionably racial implications this was more social horticulture, which was not uncommon in western Europe at the time, than a Nazi-style radical re-engineering of the bloodline. For this reason, as Tracy Koons work illustrates, Fascist education policy also had a crucial role to play in directing the future generations. By examining Fascisms exploitation and manipulation of workers leisure-time activities, Victoria de Grazia demonstrated how such a agrantly anti-working class regime attempted to socialize the masses and thereby establish a degree of legitimacy and consent for its rule.
De Grazias work was complemented by that of Koon, who similarly concluded that despite its best efforts, the regime was never able to rid itself of the basic contradiction between rhetoric and reality. However, this constructed sense of community and belonging was essentially articial, which casts a logical and unavoidable doubt upon the allegedly popular nature of the activities, as promoted by the regime.
In many respects the articiality, or otherwise, of these traditions, festivals, myths and rituals is less important than the regimes actual attempt to use them as a form of social glue. In this respect, Cavazzas work develops Emilio Gentiles theory about the regimes use of festivals, rituals, myths and cults, centred on the sacralization of the state, to present Fascism as a lay political religion. Motivated by such irrational and mythical thoughts, Gentile identied how the masses were encouraged to join this imagined group by communing in acts of collective public worship.
His argument clearly relates to Gustave Le Bons nineteenth-century theory of crowds, in which he suggested the mind of the mass collective could be manipulated and politically directed by the astute leader gure. While the various local parties went about restructuring their urban city life, a national construction programme resulted in a huge number of new and imposing buildings that symbolized Fascism.
Containing often controversial aesthetic features that provoked contemporary debate about the nature of Fascist art, which remained denitively unresolved, these numerous public works projects were also integral to the battle against unemployment that further contributed to developing a sense of community action.
Most importantly, these projects symbolized Fascisms physical regeneration of Italy, which Gentile argued was intended to further sacralize the regime and develop consensus among the masses. New regulatory town plans drawn up in cities across the peninsula, contained new buildings designed to signify the strength and identity of the regime by imposing anIntroduction 7 unmistakable change in style from liberal structures.
Somewhat ironically, the construction projects that symbolized the various city expansions also contributed to the regimes attempt to de-urbanize society, by moving the masses from the overcrowded and disease-ridden centres into the peripheries. This regenerationist theme was further underlined by land reclamation projects, such as the construction of the new town of Sabaudia from marshland south of Rome and the Foro Mussolini project on the ood plain of the Tiber.
The latter also demonstrated how the regime manipulated its broad interpretation of culture and modernity to formulate something that appeared intrinsically Fascist, thereby contributing to the establishment of a national culture that many deemed to have been lacking since unication. Designed to stimulate and develop physical education and sporting excellence, the projects neo-Roman style mediated the regimes historic imperial inuences with its modernistic leanings. This formed a third way that was also visible in other cultural formats, such as the attempt to establish a theatre of masses for the masses which, as Schnapp explained, was designed to break down the old, exclusive, liberal bourgeois medium, in favour of one that was more inclusive and better represented the ideals of the regime.
Not only did this negate the need for difcult theoretical choices about the nature of Fascist theatre, art and architecture, for example, it also avoided the consequent exclusion of cultural practitioners and theorists who may not necessarily have been in accordance with the regime, but still had something of value to offer. As Marla Stone illustrated in her study of politics and culture: For the greater part of the Fascist era, the regime sought the cooperation and consent of artists, and the association between art and the state was one of mutual recognition and legitimation.
The Mussolini dictatorship allowed artists to work and be supported without direct censorship so long as they were not explicitly anti-Fascist. A large cross section of Italian artists and architects reciprocated by accepting the Fascist regimes patronage.
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As a mass popular activity and spectator sport that crossed social and class barriers, arguably like no other, calcio provides the perfect opportunity to consider how the regime attempted to use culture to construct and establish a sense of national community among mass society, from which it hoped to gain some legitimacy and consensus. To assess how the regime undertook this challenge and its success, or otherwise, this book is separated into the following thematic chapters that reect the principal issues of identity, consensus, national regeneration and culture.
Chapter 2 considers liberal Italys sporting bequest and Fascisms response to its minimal inheritance. Only bourgeois elitist circles and societies had provided any sort of structured sport prior to Fascism, which left an obvious opportunity for both the Catholic Church and the labour movement to mobilize the support of the masses.
However, theoretical barriers and divisions within each presented Fascism with an open goal that Mussolini converted with aplomb. Once securely in power, the regime attuned its cultural inuences towards creating a new sense of national community through sport and leisure-time recreation. Chapter 3 both establishes and analyses the reasons for the regimes specic and radical intervention into calcio.
As a growing mass participatory and spectator sport, the game possessed a cross-national appeal that demanded Fascism brought it under control so as to demonstrate its authority, to end the chaotic events that were punctuating almost every season, and to portray its new vision of society. The opportunity that calcio provided to reach out to the masses really was an offer that Fascism could not refuse.
After reforming and revitalizing the structures, organization and management of calcio along Fascist lines, the regime set about providing facilities worthy of the new order and the Italian national passion. As Chapter 4 suggests, the national stadium-building programme that was launched with Bolognas Littoriale arena in , possessed a signicance beyond simply providing impressive stadia for club teams. In Berezins words, they were arguably the most striking hypernationalization projects in which public political spectacles became the dramatic enactment of fascist community and the expressive crucible in which fascist identity was forged.
Open to the public, these stadia were intended to further encourage individuals to participate in physical education, thereby giving them a serious propaganda role that extended beyond merely convincing the domestic audience of Fascisms ability and desire to deliver its promises. Demonstrating Fascist Italys cutting-edge engineering skills and architectural ambitions, stadia were specically designed and regulated to challenge practically and aesthetically the former architectural orthodoxy of such buildings, thereby, in the process, stamping the regimes identity upon every structure in sometimes apparently contradictory ways.
Chapter 5 develops these themes through consideration of the city, stadium and club of Bologna, which forms the rst of two comparative case studies. Besides launching the regimes stadium-building campaign, the Littoriale also expressed and mediated the apparently contradictory identities of the regime and the locality. While making a signicant contribution to the local partys reorganization and expansion of the city, it also conformed to the demands of the regimes national regeneration programme in every respect.
Furthermore, the Littoriale became the spiritual home of Bologna Football Club. Its achievements further highlighted the stresses between the various identities in Fascist Italy, as the provincial side that intensied the local sense of belonging acquired an international fame that resulted in it being seen as a direct representative of the regime. Following the construction of a new railway line through the Apennine mountains, Florence became a rival more than a close neighbour of Bologna, the contrasting experiences of this city, club and new stadium, in Chapter 6, showing how diverse the nature of local Fascism could be.
Lacking a single representative team like Bologna FC, Fascisms restructuring of national football encouraged leading Florentine political and cultural gures to form AC Fiorentina. Although the club never achieved the success and fame of its Bolognese rival, the citys pride in its team was no less passionate.
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Only ve years after the Littoriales completion, Florences Giovanni Berta stadium opened to the public. It was as aesthetically different to the Littoriale as could possibly be imagined. Yet, for reasons explored in Chapter 4 and further developed here, it was more than just a source of great international pride for the regime and the radical local party, as it also demonstrated the broad parameters of acceptability in Fascist architecture, thereby further indicating the scope for cultural diversity under the regime.
As shown in Chapter 7, both stadia also made signicant contributions10 Football and Fascism to calcios international importance for Fascism by hosting matches during the World Cup tournament. A perfect propaganda opportunity, it was the governments chance to sell the merits of its methods of rule to the domestic and foreign markets.
Besides the stadia, the Italian national team provided the most convincing evidence of the regimes successful national regeneration programme, which contributed to the creation of a generation of players that dominated international football in this era. However, even this unparalleled success uncovered ssures within Italian society. Questions were raised about the nationality of some members of the team, while the regimes politicization of the game also created problems for the national team and clubs when competing abroad, as they increasingly became the foci of anti-Fascist activities.
As a study of Fascist, national and local identities, this book draws on a variety of primary source material. The local state archives in Bologna and Florence hold considerable information, although not everything, relating to the construction of the respective cities stadia. This source material that addresses many questions raised from the local perspective was complemented by an investigation of the Archivio Centrale dello Stato central state archive and that of the Foreign Ministry, both of which contained information relating to the international signicance of calcio.
Unfortunately, some private archives remain closed, such as that of the national team coach Vittorio Pozzo, while it has been equally difcult to access any professional clubs holdings. Aware of such access problems at the beginning of this project, the research was designed to circumvent such obstacles by assessing primarily the type of information that was deliberately made available to the masses, principally through published books and the printed media, the sports press in particular.
Naturally this requires deconstructing if the real meaning and intention of the sources is to be understood, such were the regimes censorship powers. As will be seen, even a supercial glance at the sport-specic press in this period, clearly indicates the bias of a media that was compelled to conform to this glaring abuse and restriction of freedom.
Nonetheless, for those fans unable to attend matches, newspapers and magazines provided a wealth of detailed, descriptive information. As Tracy Koon states in her study of youth and Fascist education, it would be unwise to ignore the regimes use of the media to push a whole series of myths that were, by virtue of repetition and familiarity, more real to many Italians than the philosophical musings of Gentile or Rocco or even the universally quoted, quasi-inspired articles on fascism by Mussolini himself.
Uncovering this idealized national community and the various methods by which the regime attempted to impress this upon the masses is a consistent feature in the work of Koon, De Grazia, Gentile, Cavazza, Berezin, Schnapp and Ben-Ghiatt to name but a few. It is hoped this book further contributes to this. If we are to assess and understand how the regime presented itself to the masses, then the print media is an unavoidable, key source of evidence and information.
Consequently, this project was more concerned with what was portrayed to the masses than necessarily determining the exact truth behind the potential myths and legends. Although newspapers were undoubtedly crucial sources of power for the regime between and , they were controlled by a combination of informal partnerships with owners and nanciers19 and outright squadrismo-style intimidation.
Following the murder of the Socialist deputy Giacomo Matteotti, in , Fascisms control of the press became more systematic through coordinated and complementary legislative controls, intimidation and agreements with paper proprietors over the heads of editors.
Although the need for strict censorship laws was reduced by the equally muting threat of forcible closure, the Press Censorship Law supplemented earlier legislative powers, in which Prefects could warn editors and ultimately sequester disloyal papers, by extending this authority to the public prosecutor. The law also established the Order of Journalists that all professionals had to belong to if they were to work,20 although there were so few ideologically Fascist journalists that the regime was in no position to purge the profession of those who had trained under the auspices of the liberal free press.
However, as Gnter Berghaus has outlined with specic regard to artists, but which also applies to the majority of cultural practitioners, even membership of the Syndicate did not necessarily have to restrict an individuals work: Most artists found it expedient to adapt to the political changes by going through the necessary motions of indicating loyalty to the rgime and then carrying on in their habitual mode of production.
Despite the mainstream presss growing interest in Italys athletic ambassadors, the sport-specic press naturally possessed a huge role in raising awareness of the sporting achievements of the nation, or the regime. Between and it expanded massively with a number of weekly and monthly publications complementing La Gazzetta dello Sport and the Corriere dello Sport Il Littoriale from that sold, on average, , copies per day and over , at the weekend.
Besides these national publications, most cities also had their own local sports paper often more than one such as the Florentine Lo Stadio and Bolognas La Voce Sportiva. By promoting the various achievements of Italian sport on a daily basis, the press contributed to the creation and afrmation of the regimes idealized image of Fascist Italy. Consequently, journalists were almost as important as the champion athletes, many becoming household names themselves through their extremely prominent, nationalistic, triumphal and occasionally xenophobic accounts of Italian international victories in the Fascist epoch: Essentially, this was the ultimate rationale behind the regimes takeover of sport and its restructuring of calcio; the acquisition of international respect from sporting success that it was hoped would develop a shared a sense of national achievement, experience and identity.
In the ways that have been outlined in this introduction and that will be expanded upon in detail in the following chapters, calcio was a conduit for the subtle and psychological dissemination of the national myths, rituals and behaviours that were intended to accelerate the regeneration and nationalization of the masses. This was supported more directly by the development, exploitation and politicization of physical education, sport and football in particular, all of which contributed to the creation of a real and imagined sense of community that was capable of pulling together the cracks inIntroduction 13 Fascist Italian society, before papering over them.
As the nations largest mass popular leisure-time activity, calcio almost certainly provided one of the best opportunities to achieve this, if indeed it was ever realistically possible. This page intentionally left blank2Mens sana in corpore sanoMaking the Italian people idealistic and physically perfect was a task for sport in its many forms, as it demands discipline, order, rigour, sacrice, a spirit of dedication and healthy morals, while engendering in the individual a desire for the struggle for victory.
It was necessary to restructure the institutions, co-ordinate their, often chaotic activities, overcoming the reluctance of individual governors [while] building sports grounds in those areas in which their absence impeded serious preparation. Il Popolo dItalia, Come il Fascismo ha potenziato lo sport italianoCelebrating ten years of Fascist rule, Il Popolo dItalia credited the regime with physically, morally and spiritually regenerating Italian society through sport, thereby rectifying the failures of liberal Italy. Fascisms investment in the nations sporting life ranged from encouraging the mass pursuit of leisure-time activities to a radical intervention in the education system.
Exploiting the Socialist and Catholic failures to mobilize Italian society through sport, Fascism took control of the opium of the masses and redirected it towards regenerating mass society. Traditional attitudes to high and low culture were rethought, bringing sport and football, in particular, into the mainstream fold of Fascist culture, which included architecture. By , urban landscapes increasingly featured massive stadia in addition to the smaller sports grounds that every commune was promised.
Fitter bodies and occupied minds were not only distracted from the class struggle that threatened the regime and the organic collective, they were also primed for mobilization through the partys organization of leisure time. In return for the regimes investment in health and physical education, its provision of leisure-time activities and facilities, plus the reorganization of professional competitive sport, the utmost loyalty was demanded from all participants. The result was the politicization of Italian sport at every level. Peasants went about barefoot and watched with irritation the rst pennyfarthings that passed through the dusty streets.
They were a great luxury those bikes, expensive and needing a lot of time to learn how to ride them. Between those rich middle class cyclists and the barefooted peasants there was an abyss that was thought to have been insurmountable. Today, it is no longer so. The peasants of the at plain of Padania. They dress like citizens, read newspapers, use trains and. The machine has been democratised. There are no more sexes, there are no more classes. This is the triumph of the bicycle. Although Bonomis assessment was almost certainly romanticized, the bicycles social revolutionary role was connected to the considerable lifestyle and status changes that came with ownership.
Padania was also an extremely important area in the development of Italian sport, as it included the booming industrial triangle of Turin, Milan and Genoa, where the bourgeoisie established the factories that employed the masses who would become the spectators and participants of the future. Had Italy followed the English model5 where the modern form of association football was developed and evangelized by employers and priests in the working-class industrial centres, then competitive sport might have found a spiritual home within the labour movement and religious circles.
Socialism and Catholicism were the two principal players in thoseMens sana in corpore sano 17 sporting and recreational opportunities that existed in pre-Fascist Italy, both having established societies to develop an alternative culture that would contribute to their members personal development and cement their loyalty. While their aims and interests differed, they both competed with existing private middle-class clubs and state-sponsored, liberal bourgeois institutions that viewed sport merely in terms of developing patriotism and military strength.
In fact, it was the inability to promote and develop sport for the masses by successive liberal government administrations that gave both the Left and the Church a perfect recruitment opportunity. Despite the apparent disinterest in sport, some attempts were made to introduce physical education into schools, the essayist, literary historian and politician Francesco de Sanctis7 being one of the few to positively promote gymnastics and athletics.
As one of the rst to conceptualize the Italiano nuovo, his law made the teaching of gymnastics in all schools compulsory. However, despite support in the house, it failed to make a great impact on Italian youth due to the difculty in training teachers, apathy within the profession, a lack of equipment and no effective national supervision. An attempt to address many of the laws failings was made in , but the continuing disbelief in the benets of physical over mental exercise maintained the disparity between teachers of physical education and those of more traditional subjects.
It did, nonetheless, compel all primary age children to undertake one half-hour of activity per day, with three hours per week for those in middle school, with all trainee teachers having to undertake an authoritative course of instruction before they could obtain their diploma.
However, despite such governmental inability to integrate the masses through sport, Socialism and Catholicism both failed to fully exploit the opportunity. The Catholic Church had a close relationship with sport from the midnineteenth century, with schools, colleges and oratories employing physical education to improve the discipline, morality and health of pupils. Thereafter, it formed its own societies to recruit and retain young people while educating them in the pathways of religion, through exercise and other means. However, instead of aiding the spread of cycling and football, which were considered Anglo-Saxon, Protestant activities, the Church preferred its own brand of repetitive gymnastics.
With the support of a few conservative Catholic deputies, elected following the Popes tactical decision, in , to relax the non expedit decree that outlawed Catholic participation in national politics, Giolitti retained control of parliament. Although he then pressured the gymnastic federation into rescinding its earlier decision, the government re-emphasized its opposition to these Catholic societies in Although weak, the FASCI still delayed the Fascist centralization of sport and physical education, for while the regime was endeavouring to reach a coexistence agreement with the Church nalized by the Lateran Accords , it was unable to repress the Catholic associations brutally and decisively.
Supported by the Fascist youth organization Balilla, these institutions undermined the FASCI until , when the regime practically liquidated it with a measure that restricted its actions to mere oratory. The Churchs alienation of a natural source of support might have paved the way for socialist sport to make signicant inroads into the rural and urban working class, but for different reasons it too proved equally unsuccessful.
Some leisure-time activities for the working and peasant class masses did exist in the middle of the nineteenth century among the mutual aid societies of Piedmont and Liguria,13 but despite the formation of the Socialist Sports Union, a branch of the Workers International, the leisure time of the masses remained unstructured and apolitical.
Socializing the masses was not helped by the delayed and limited nature of Italian industrialization. The earlier and more rapid process in Germany had resulted in a mass, relatively united working class that provided the market for an alternative socialist culture. ThisMens sana in corpore sano 19 barrier was further reinforced by ideological Marxist interpretations, as some viewed sport and leisure as opiates of the masses that inhibited the development of class-consciousness among the young, thereby distracting them from the class struggle.
Others, such as Gramsci, argued that it was the combination of culture and the state, thus cohesion and coercion that maintained the current state of affairs. Slow to embrace sport, socialism even went so far as to recommend direct action against what it saw as a preserve of the rich. In one example the daily newspaper Avanti! Ironically, some members of the industrial bourgeoisie also recognized this and began to form corporate societies, to which the socialists responded in the only manner they knew how another polemic in Avanti! Irritated by the inability of the young revolutionaries to recognize the opportunities that sport and cycling in particular provided for social change, Bonomi questioned their physical and mental capacity for revolutionary activity: You cannot be young and call yourself a revolutionary if you dont have an irresistible urge to sacrice yourself to others; to throw away your life in a beautiful gesture for something great and good.
You dont die on the barricades because at the rst gunshot, even the revolutionaries show a clean pair of heels. What remains is the struggle against the forces of nature; the great moral gymnastics of conquering an inaccessible peak, driving a frenetic motor race, or ying over the mountains or the sea. Who does not know how to train his body to resist inferior self-centredness,20 Football and Fascism does not truly know how to open his soul to the joy of courageous victory, he is not a revolutionary, he is only an incompetent and an idler.
The generation under 20, entering a world of relatively good conditions, nding the way paved by the older citizens, neglects our organization, associations and papers, giving itself excessively, uniquely and madly to sport. In response, the Russian PSI member Angelica Balabanoff attacked the newspaper for wasting important space on such a secondary issue as sport,22 arguing that races and prizes were a moral and spiritual danger for class solidarity as they represented the proletariats struggle for the price of a loaf of bread in a capitalist society.
The preoccupation of sport. In a group of red cyclists was formed to reclaim the delity of the masses through cycling trips and excursions. Wearing distinctive uniforms, they crossed the plain of Padania organizing rides and distributing pamphlets before moving onto the next town. Campaigning against alcohol and promoting a programme of activities designed to improve workers mental and physical health while encouraging an interest in the outdoors, the UOEI claimed 40 sections and over 10, members by Despite its ideology, the organization never assumed a classbased character and by was seeking a rapprochement with the FIGC that was formally concluded in Despite these initiatives, intellectual soul-searching over the role of sport continued to prevent the Left from reaching even an acceptable compromise solution.
Incredibly, in , with the Fascist government rmly in power, similar arguments were still raging in the socialist press. Fanning the ames and expanding the argument, Grospierre drew attention to the increasingly popular and even more dangerous practice of spectating that enabled the bosses to exploit the workforce further: These youths need to realise that tomorrow will be the same for them as it was for their fathers. Long live sport, but also long live the struggle for bread.
Indicative of the changing political climate in Italy, his comments were made in Sport e Proletariato,30 the weekly internationalist publication of the Associazione Proletaria per lEducazione Fisica APEF the workers association for physical education that attempted to diffuse sport as an instrument of class struggle. The man who jumps, chases after a ball or swims like a frog does not have time to think of politics: But left free he could become dangerous: To avoid every vice and corruption it is necessary to develop only those sports that give the individual more energy [and] do not isolate him from the collective.
Like group gymnastics, rowing, football, which at the same time as developing the individual, attune singular with social actions and exercise the spirit of discipline. Having already called for the formation of an Italian Workers Sport Federation to defend and emancipate the proletariat,37 Serrati recommended reforming the UOEI into the Gruppo Socialista Amici dellArte Socialist Group of Friends of the Arts to extend its aims and make it the nucleus of a bigger association for the education of the working classes. On 10 December , following the publication of an article announcing the imminent formation of the Italian Workers Sport Federation, Sport e Proletariatos printing ofces, which also served Lo Stato operaio and Sindacato rosso, were destroyed by Fascist squads and its production suspended.
Italian socialism was too slow to embrace sport and the workers sport movement that was a truly international organization capable of developing health, solidarity and culture among working-class men and women. The Worker Olympics in Frankfurt emphasized this; the , spectators that came to watch competitors from over nineteen countries39 reecting how German and Belgian socialists had better appreciated the opportunity to mobilize the working class through sport.
Restricted by limited industrialization, dogma and narrow minds, Italian socialism failed to harness and mould this potential hotbed of support. Fascism, however, did appreciate sports ability to create community and on securing power, embraced it as a medium through which its vision of society could be disseminated throughout the peninsula. This perhaps best explains why, unlike in England, calcios boom corresponded more with the Fascist epoch than the early years of Italian industrialization and the growth of the workers movement.
Contrary to European intellectuals that linked the decline of the ancient Greek and Roman empires to an increase in games and sporting activities over more cerebral pursuits,41 he suggested that periods of artistic and intellectual decadence had never coincided with the greatest veneration of physical education. In fact, he argued that Greece reached its artistic and intellectual apogee during the fth century, when the Olympic Games also showed the empire at its physical peak.
Rather than one impacting negatively upon the other, Ferretti believed that intellectual, scientic and physical pursuits ourished and declined symbiotically. Consequently, it was intellectual decadence that had led to the development of games at the Roman Campo Marzio, where participants competed for money rather than in veneration of strength and for the benet of society, civilization and the motherland. The mass is its sole objective, not the individual. Others still believed that competitive and spectator sport had contributed to the degeneration of the nation.
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The huge success of Italian cycling might have created a massive fan base that encouraged La Gazzetta to launch the Giro dItalia race in , but despite its democratic origins, cycling and superstar cyclists came increasingly under suspicion. As the journalist Vittorio Varale suggested in one of his regular contributions to Lo Sport Fascista, it was important that the events, or the glories, of these and other champions be contained within just limits and that the mass of the young speak in more measured terms in keeping with the needs of the day. Binda is a great champion and worthy of the predecessors, but he is the purest expression of rationalism applied to sport, which is the absolute negation of his spiritual and moral content.
From girardenghismo45 we have fallen into bindismo. This was intensied by the emergence of idolized individuals from team sports, most notably the national game of calcio. If the centre forward who scored the goals that effectively won matches for a successful team became more important than the collective, this threatened to undermine the regimes organic, national ethic. Consequently, creating and controlling champions became one of the regimes primary contradictions. As competitive events expanded, the demand for victory continued to raise individual proles to the point where they were said to have begun rivalling the popularity of the Duce himself.
In France, Benedict Augustin Morel had concerned himself with the hereditary nature of degenerative ailments, diseases, disorders and how they corrupted the moral and physical make-up of individuals, families and society as a whole. Classifying this pattern of heredity and pathological change as degenerescence degeneration , his treatise, which also considered the potential to regenerate society through programmes of spiritual and physical education, was more than just a negative assessment of societys ills. By precisely measuring the dimensions and relations of parts of the body, he believed it was possible to identify and manage potential dangers to organic society.
Viewing the body and conduct of the criminal as an atavistic throwback to the evolutionary past, Lombroso suggested that it was possible to freeze evolution and isolate the inherited backwardness that plagued the state and nation. Rather than some form of medical intervention, it was the new man that wouldMens sana in corpore sano 25 confront and overcome the sources of degeneration, rebuilding the nation in the process. Refuting the bread and circuses theory, Ferretti argued that culture now had to be seen as both physical and spiritual; that being the psychophysiological. Whereas sport and culture had previously pursued their apparently mutually exclusive interests, Ferrettis new mantra was: As Vito Zagarrio has suggested, culture could have a number of alternative interpretations: However, as Victoria de Grazia has argued, despite its attempt to acquire a measure of cultural legitimacy by adopting the intellectual elites traditional disdain for the mass popular format and reinforcing the class divisions of high and low culture,55 it could not permanently ignore its eclectic melting pot of inspiration.
The heterogeneous cultural inuences of Futurism, the avant-garde and neo-classical romanit romanness, that of being Roman reflect Fascisms pragmatic streak. Partly explained by its lack of doctrinal direction, this mixture enabled the regime to include many useful thinkers and creators within society, who might otherwise have felt or wished to be excluded. As Gnter Berghaus has explained: Mussolini was not like Hitler when it came to artistic matters. He had little interest in the arts and kept himself out of the aesthetic debates of the period. He only issued general orders and left it to his functionaries to implement them or translate them into concrete directives.
The result was26 Football and Fascismthe promotion of a rather vague conception of Fascist art that left artists considerable leeway in their choice of subject matter, style, composition, format etc. By deliberately monumentalizing traditional forms, teachers protected and reinforced their positions as the purveyors and interpreters of culture. As Zagarrio, Berghaus and Marla Stone have all suggested, rather than doctrine, it is better to speak of a general plan for the organization of consensus through culture in which relative autonomy was given in return for subservience to the regime.
However undened, culture was undoubtedly one of the key areas through which the regime envisaged constructing a Fascist civilization that would reect its sense of continuity and community of ideas and thought. Key to this was the consistent reference to Imperial Rome and the cult of romanit: For fascism, the discovery and restoration of Roman ruins was mainly symbolic archeology, inspired by a mythical attraction to a sacred centre and a desire to come into contact with its magical power.
Rome is our point of departure and our point of reference; it is our symbol and, if you like, our myth. We dream of a Roman Italy, an Italy that is wise, strong, disciplined and imperial. Much of the spirit of Ancient Rome is being born again in Fascism; the Lictorian fasces are Roman, our war machine is Roman, our pride and our courage are Roman too. The most obvious example of this in action was the regimes approach to architecture, where neo-classical and modernist visions peaceably coexisted, such as the traditional Biblioteca Nazionale National Library and the modernist Giovanni Berta stadium.
Both built in Florence by the local party, they demonstrated Mussolinis prevarication, inability or lack of desire to commit to one particular style, the contradictions of which will be considered in later chapters. Sport soon became one of regimes metaphorical battlegrounds. Yet, despite accusations of physical degeneration and the lack of a governing body to supervise its development, the nations performances in the and Olympic games were remarkable.
Arguably deriving from De Sanctiss apparently ineffective attempt to introduce gymnastics and virile education into middle schools, his cocktail of spiritual and physi-Mens sana in corpore sano 27 cal education became a key component of Fascist education that was symbolized by the Libro e moschetto book and musket. As Ferretti observed, sport exercised the body, inamed the spirit and stimulated discipline, all qualities that came to the fore in when Italy nally entered the Great War. When the long awaited news arrived in that late twilight of May, and the doors of the schools closed as everybody left for the war.
Sport had prepared us to confront each battle. Fossati, captain of the national football team; world rowing champion Sinigaglia, fell heroically in the front line. And in the universities, when peace was concluded, many who left on 24 May were missing. When assessing the Italian military performance Ferretti carefully avoided the pitfalls, contradictions and dilemmas that lay in wait.
Criticizing the armed forces was no manifesto for a party reliant on support from ex-servicemens organizations, even if their efforts had often amounted to a display of considerable ineptitude. By administering praise through the medium of sport he avoided giving the old liberal regime any credibility, while outlining the fundamentals of Fascist sport policy in the process: War without the ShootingA burgeoning number of young Italian Futurist writers shared Fascisms faith in the merits of a physical culture that blended tradition and modernity in the restoration of gymnastics and an appreciation of the machine and speed.
Although games such as football were less admired, their potential contribution to the creation of the Italiano nuovo was still recognized. As George Mosse has explained, they hoped this new Fascist man, who was disciplined and loved combat and confrontation, would proclaim Italys glory through his personal drive and energy. Futurism28 Football and Fascism took the concepts of manliness, energy and violence, and sought to tear them loose from the historical traditions in which conventional nationalist movements had anchored them.
Besides inspiring the Fascist movement, the Great War was also a crucial event in the evolution of the new man, as it was precisely the experience of war that, according to Fascism, forged veterans capable of leading the new men of the future.
Fascisms ability to draw from complex and often contradictory ideological roots enabled it to employ Futurist ideas of renewal and rebirth that focused on the glory of sacrice, rather than dwell on the military disasters of the past. Inspired by the motto, the programme, the faith and the ag: Loyalty,65 the monthly magazines remit was to showcase Fascisms overhaul of Italian sport and inuence contemporary and future society by permanently recording the regimes reawakening of its youth. As stated in the October editorial: We lay out our simple words.
This is true liberty. This cult of commemoration, as Berezin has labelled it, reinforced theMens sana in corpore sano 29 link between Italian political generations and ritually attacked all enemies of the Patria liberals, bolsheviks and capitalists. Among the many footballers were Dr Canfri, ex-player and president of the Associazione Italiana Arbitri AIA Italian referees association; Dalmazzo, Croce, Corbelli and Colombo, all of Juventus; Virgilio Fossatti, captain of the national team and Milans Internazionale who died at Montefalcone in ; and his national team colleague Attilio Trere, who was a mutilated survivor.
When the homeland calls its sons to defend it against external and internal enemies. As Ferretti claried prior to the Berlin Olympics, they were all role models and ambassadors for the regime, paying debts of respect to their fallen heroes: Like us, like all sportsmen, like all Italians, the athletes at Berlin remember and see the heroes; they feel them nearby, sharing the anxiety of the conquest until the joy of victory. Fascism now demanded victories. Having achieved supremacy, the athlete set the standard to which others aspired. Metaphorically, they were there to be shot at, which resulted in erce competition and a continual turnover and improvement in top-level athletes in every sport.
In his contemporary biography of Arpinatis career, the respected Fascist Marcello Gallian made just such an observation about a former long jumper: What can be more beautiful than that champion who returns to his job and will give to another a way of surpassing him. In , the Bolognese weekly La Striglia Sportiva headlined its rst edition: For us, we do not see sport simply as a method of physical education or entertainment, but above all as a method for the improvement and harmonization of the body and morals to put oneself at the service of the motherland when and however it chooses to call.
Demanding physical and moral strength, the paper called for a spirit of sacrice that would contribute to the good name of Italian sport, for its victory is each and everybodys. Regionalism does not need to be, nor can it be, parochial and partisan: With the usual sporting activities cancelled for the elections, the editorial asked fans to demonstrate their love for theMens sana in corpore sano 31 country by contributing to the organic mass and afrming national unity at that Sundays plebiscite.
In the process of its continual formation, our body is our own script, the same that is said of will, intelligence, sensibility. The spirit of sport represents in itself a complexity, a balance, a harmonious blend of different forces. The sporting spirit begins, rst of all, where the competitive element and instinct, enters the eld.
The rebirth of our people coincides and it could not be otherwise with an exuberant owering of every sporting manifestation. Sport, helped and encouraged, wisely imposed, of course, by the vigilant foresight of the Fascist Government, is winning over the strata of society most reluctant to the novelty and pace of life that characterise our times. Sport, in short, is understood not only just as athletics, as competition between champions, but as an indispensable physical education of the masses, an exercise that may do some good to the body and spirit. For the32 Football and Fascismphysical improvement of the race, nothing is as useful as sport that teaches everybody an amount of discipline and moulds muscles with character.
Football and Fascism
The former ease and condence with which its theorists had outlined various roles for sport disappeared, as the party faced the dilemma of whether to abolish the old organizations and substitute them with new ones, or to use them and instil a new spiritual content under PNF supervision. As La Gazzetta argued, sport needed to be designed as an instrument for the Imperial education of the youngest Italians.
As noted by Augusto Parboni, one of Fascist Italys most prominent journalists, sport became a new method to penetrate and educate the masses physically and spiritually, thereby helping the regime insert itself rmly into the life of the nation until it became indispensable.
Some pre-Risorgimento societies had existed but patriotism was more important than physical activity.
Post-unification governments were no better, tolerating sport as little more than a meansMens sana in corpore sano 33 for Italy to defend itself. Muscles were honed to produce t soldiers rather than athletes, George Mosse observing how the statutes of each sport society or federation were designed to make the young agile and strong, and thus more useful to themselves and to the homeland. Vittorio Costa, the schools gymnastics inspector for the Commune of Bologna noted Arpinatis recollection of schoolboy boredom with the oldstyle repetitive gymnastics that they all followed like automatons, and was certainly more adept at containing nascent forces than developing them.
After participating in the March on Rome, he became a member of the Fascist Grand Council, a Member of Parliament, an ofcer in the Militia and head of Mussolinis press ofce from to In this last role he extended the regimes control over the press while becoming one of the principle synthesizers of sport and Fascist culture, reconciling them with politics in a manner that reected the regimes ideals. Scorn was also poured upon university professors, particularly those who had not fought in the war and were consequently unable to understand the Fascist revolution.
Ferretti raged against the profession that: Giovanni Papini da Bulciano, the Futurist co-founder of the inuential review La Voce who later joined the Catholic fold, was another who believed Italys former greatness had always been founded in the preeminence of spiritual things. For this reason he objected to modern heroes no longer being the great artists or even the conquerors.
Il Selvaggio – Architectural Polemics and Invective Imagery
His ideas imparted serious inuence on Fascist thought, with perhaps the most important being his organic theory that the combined majority of the population had an inseparable spiritual and physical power. The favourable eco-nomic situation continued up until World War I, with a median annual growth index of over 6 percent in the industrial sector Pro-cacci A few data provide a measure of how rapid Italian industrial ex-pansion was: At the beginning of the century, Italians wages were among the low-est in Europe, thanks also to extensive reliance on women and child labourers Procacci Emigration has been a significant phenomenon throughout recent Ital-ian history: A first mass wave of emigra-tion of the poorest rural classes into the cities was sparked by an agricultural crisis in the s; in the s, however, the migra-tory wave intensified, espe-cially from southern Italy to North and South America it reached a maximum of , emigrants in , equal to Favoured by the gov-ernments more permissive stance, which was limited to maintaining public or-der, the number of strikes in Italy grew exponentially: At the dawn of the cen-tury, for example, the expenditure of the average Italian family showed a decrease in the amount of income spent on groceries, while spending on clothing, home furnish-ings, and the first consumer goods such as bicycles and sewing machines gradu-ally increased.
On a social level, and above all in the more developed regions of northern Italy, the Giolittian era was a particularly dynamic period, characterised by a prudent faith in the progress of the nation; on the whole, despite lingering shadows, the mere fact of people sensing this change was a positive enough force to stimulate social mobility.
Pia Cavicchioni and Enrico Munari were both from Badia Polesine20 or one of its bordering town-ships , a small town on the banks of the Adige River in the province of Rovigo, ap-proximately 85 km south-west of Venice. Historically, the Polesine area, located along the lower reaches of the Po River, was a little-developed agricultural zone, hydro-geologically unstable due to frequent flood-ing of the Po and Adige rivers, with scarce infrastructure21all of which explains why it was the source of so much emigra-tion.
Pia and Enrico Munari had moved to Milan at the turn of the century, and were helped by some of Pias relatives who were already living there. The upper middle-class layout in Italy was made up of various social groups: A heterogene-ous portion of the popula-tion greatly benefited from raises in pay and shorter working hours, including government workers, spe-cialised and skilled labour-ers, and the farm hands of several areas of the Valle Padana Po River Valley in which agricultural co-operatives were widespread. In his observations collected in Storia dItalia dal al A History of Italy, , first pub-lished in Italian in , Benedetto Croce offers a frankly positive assessment of the Giolittian era: Procaccis opinion of Croces historical view-point Procacci The family name partially confirms its ori-gins in the north-eastern area of the country.
The last name Munari, which is widespread and appears in several variants throughout northern Italy, is found particularly in the Veneto region and lower Po Val-ley, and supposedly derives from hypocoristic forms or dialect-based modifications of the term munaro or mu-nero miller. Cavicchioni is a hypocoristic variant of a family name present in the areas around Ferrara and Rovigo as well as the bor-der region between Tuscany and Emilia Romagna , and is derived from nicknames associated with the archaic term cavicchio a peg or short, pointed pole.
Although it origi-nally referred to the s, Procaccis description aptly captures the salient aspects of the landscape around Badia Polesine: The prov-inces of the lower Po River Valley Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, and the Polesine area played a fundamental role in the history of the Italian labour movement, insofar as they were the birthplace and cradle that fostered the rapid growth of the socialist movement: The Po River Valley re-mained one of the hottest points of social conflict Castronovo On the origins of socialism, rooted in farmers protests throughout the country-side of the Po River Valley, see Procacci Although it is not known precisely why the Munari family decided to leave Milan and return to the Veneto countryside, aside from the probable family-related reasons, the chance to take up their own independ-ent economic enterpriselike ownership and management of an innalmost cer-tainly was a deciding factor.
In , when Bruno was about 6 years old, the family left Milan to settle once again in Badia Polesine, where the Munari couple had acquired a mansionoriginally a hunt-ing residence of the Dukes of Este, from nearby Ferrarawhich had already been transformed into an inn. Recent land reclamation and drainage had gradually transformed the human and eco-nomic geography of the entire area, lead-ing to further development centred on the introduction of new crops and related manufacturing industries mills and sugar refineries in particular.
On the eve of World War I, Badia Polesine was a peace-ful provincial town of over 10, inhabit-ants with a theatre, a hospital, and a trade school. If no one comes to fill in after your shift, you go to bed at two in the morning, after the last guest has come back, and you get up at five to go for grocer-ies. My mother had invented a saying, she The so-called Palaz-zetto degli Estensi, whose construction is now attrib-uted to the Venetian Grad-enigo family, is a beautiful gothic building that dates back to circa , during the first period of Venetian dominion in the area.
The building is characterised on the lower levels by a portico with three different types of round arches, while the up-per levels are distinguished by ogival windows and the sitting-rooms mullioned window with three lights Barison, Occhi The transformation of this noble residence into a com-mercial building apparently occurred long ago: On the other side of the iron bridge crossing the Adige River, the provincial route leads north toward Padua and south toward Ferrara. Another road leads along the riverbank: The village takes its name from the Benedictine Abbey of Saint Mary at Van-gadizza, originally founded in the tenth century, which by the thirteenth century already had a small town built up around it.
Over the centuries it passed from the hands of the Este fam-ily into Venetian rule, and after the Napoleonic inva-sion it was occupiedlike much of northern Italyby Austria, up until the Veneto region was annexed to the Kingdom of Italy in For additional historical and geographic background, see http: With respect to the period of , in which it is estimated that nearly one-third of the population left the Polesine area for the industrial tri-angle or for South America, the industrial-agricultural development of the region led to a temporary decrease in emigration in a na-tional census year.
I took after her, she was very agile, alert, and practical. Their parents continued to live in Badia at least until the end of World War II, and for a brief period in Brunos family took refuge at his parents home after fleeing Milan. Giordanowho was trained as a mechanical designer, and later designed turbines for the Edison company28joined his brother in Milan around He likely stayed with Bruno and his wife Dilma Car-nevali, whom hed married in , or per-haps with his sister-in-laws family: UpbringingEven if one does not take a literal read of the various memories Bruno Munari wove together as a plot feeding into his personal, ever-growing mythology along with much of the sentimental criticism that followed him and his work , the childhood he spent in the natural and social atmosphere of the Veneto countryside evidently had a de-termining influence on his sensibility and intelligence.
Theres always been a sort of fade-in, fade-out between everyday small-town life and my activity, an ac-tivity that would nowadays be called crea-tive, inspired by curiosity and the desire to do something out of the ordinary. Bruno Munari, quoted in Branzi Data confirmed by indirect evidence: From information gathered by those who knew Munari, the hotel was run by his parents from in-deed, Bruno Munari arrived in Badia when he was 67 years old until at least the s.
After the war his parents also moved to Milan, where they were buried Alberto Munari, e-mail to author, November 13, For a brief period during the thirties, Giorda-no was employed as a de-signer of aircraft models for the Movo company, which was among Munaris clients Alberto Munari, conversa-tion with author, February 10, The fact that over the years Munari steadily built a sort of public perso-nacarefully selecting facts, memories, episodes, and statements that effectively created a mythologyis obvious to anyone who ap-proaches him through his writings, testimonies, and works without other emo-tional influences or preju-dices.
Too often the temptation to talk about Munari the way Mu-nari talks about himself and his ideas has produced only apologetic books, inspired sheerly by sympathy for the character The circumstances of the childhood he so often spoke of later on seem far from having anything ex-ceptional about them, nor did they play such an abso-lute, almost deterministic role in his personality; rath-er, Munari loved to make it sound as if they did, and his telling became an essential ingredient of the myth of his natural geniusinsofar as it corresponded to his in-terest in games, childhood, and creativity.
Munari, inter-viewed by Alberto Munari Badia Polesine sits at the confluence of the Adige River and its smaller tribu-tary, the so-called Adigetto Little Adige , which bisects the town; the riverside vil-lage of San Nicol named after Saint Nicholas, also known as Pizzon, which was destroyed when the bridge was bombed in , was inhabited by fishers and millers, who maintained floating mills. There was also a small shipyard for boat building, a riverside customs house, an inn, and the church of Saint Nicho-las, patron of mariners http: The presence of the Adige left a lasting mark on 18 19Italys most mechanical cityrural life.
I really liked working with his craftsmans materials and tools, a lot more than helping my parents run the inn. But his habit of playing around with a broad range of natural forms and everyday objects also stemmed from the games conjured up from nothing that he enjoyed creating along the riverbanks or in the courtyard and attic of the family inn: As a boy and especially as a toddler I never had toys like the ones every kid has today, but I made them up myself, and built them with whatever I found Ever since I was a boy I was an experimenter, even when I built my own toys, or built them for friends, using bamboo shoots or other simple materials In Badia, as a boy, I played in the immense at-tic above the inn.
Some of my games, among others, included parachuting the cats and tossing little strips of paper out of the window to observe how they moved through the air. His liking for play, understood in the cognitive sense as a tool for active discovery of the world, became an essential critiquing, de-signing, and teaching tool; it also fuelled his humorous and surreal veins, which made ample use of spoonerisms, semantic games, and word play.
In this sense one could even read a transposition of child-hood experiences into his work, which of-ten enacts a connotative shift, changing a given action and thereby making it mean-ingful in a new way. For example, his performance in Como, Far vedere laria Air Made Visible , in which he let paper cut into different shapes fall from a tower, invariably comes to mind. As does the five-drop fountain created for Tokyos Isetan department store in MunariIm fine in Milan, but I miss the river Tan-chis Munari, interviewed by Alberto Munari Munari in Alberto Munari A more recent text in which Mu-nari reflects on the many games and activities of his childhood is particularly illuminating: Un gattino vero miagolante A true cat whining originally published in the catalogue Giochi e grafica Cremona: Obviously the washer was shot, so it no longer turned off properly.
But the sound of those drips was quite interesting, because it was neither monotone nor monotonous. I dont know why, but listening closely you could hear that the interval between one drip and the next wasnt the same, and even the sound of each drip was different. One day I tried putting an empty bucket under the shower: A few of my friends and I tried singing some made-up songs following the rhythm of the drips. One song went pic pac pac pic patapic patapac pitopec pataluc, and then youd re-peat the riff with individual variations. Munari a [Un gattino vero miagolante].
For the most com-prehensive overview of the Italian school system un-der Giolitti, see Aquarone The serious shortcomings of primary education at the begin-ning of the century were, if not fully resolved, at least dealt with through succes-sive reformsknown as the Nasi and Orlando laws New regula-tions raised the compulsory age of attendance to twelve, stipulated the establish-ment of evening schools, and called for better work-ing conditions for teach-ers.
It also led to increased government funding, to the point where the State fully underwrote all public ele-mentary instruction which had hitherto been the re-sponsibility of individual municipalities , as sanc-tioned by the Dane-Credaro law of cf. Moreover, while the agricultural and industrial development of northern Italy encouraged working-class families to invest in their childrens education, it also created a demand for unskilled labourerswhich were drawn from local primary schools, as shown by the slow growth of en-rolment between and Aquarone In an interview about his first school expe-riences, Munari admitted: No, I didnt really want to study.
And I remember that in elementary school I was punished once, because I il-lustrated the subject. Draw-ing like that was quite for-bidden at the time quoted in Barberis This basic distinc-tion was, effectively, a dou-ble-track access to higher education, with clear class connotations Aquarone On the one hand, the tuitionwhich was rather costly for high schools, but relatively inex-pensive for trade schoolswas a discriminating factor that determined students chosen field of study; on the other, the different levels of government supportdirect in the case of secondary schools, while leaving trade schools to rely upon the resources of local authori-ties, municipalities, and private donorsemphasised attendants limitations and geographical differences.
My relationship to my parents was a fairly traditional one My family had a ho-tel, they were always incredibly busy and had very little time for me [When I was nineteen] I came to Milan, because I wanted to be an artist. Naturally, my par-ents were against it, theyd have liked me to follow in their line of work What I dont like about running an inn is its sheer repeatability, its damaging, you do things only to then undo them: As a rowdy ado-lescent who could not stand the prospect of continuing a job he viewed as thank-less, and consumed by a wholly provincial desire to go out and discover the world,44 Munari was able to pursue his studies thanks to one of his uncles.
The husband of his mothers sister was an engineer, and had briefly lived in Badia before moving to Milan with his family. Considered the most well-to-do member of the family, Brunos uncle Ugo had offered to help his nephew; the chance to do so came in , when Ugo was hired to oversee the construction of a plant in Naples, and took Bruno along.
Munari was seventeen at the time, and at-tended a technical school while in Naplesalthough he did not complete his studies, most likely because of the familys return to Milan less than a year later. I want-ed to be a painter, and went to Milan. As his son Alberto not-ed, one oft-overlooked aspect of that peri-od was the relative poverty he experienced upon arriving in Milan, with practically no money and no work prospects.
They helped me a great deal and I had a very cute cousin. My uncle taught me technical Bruno Munari, quoted in Catalano Alberto Munari, conversation with author, February 10, Le persone che hanno fatto grande Milano, He liked painting, drawing, inventing games, and mak-ing machines that had no useful purpose. Thats why he got bored of that Veneto town, and even got angrybecause when a man cant do what he enjoys, its only natural that hes unhappy, angry, and his blood grows bitter. So he took the train and came to Milan and has never felt angry since.
The information is cited in Naylor , and was originally from an English-language profile of Munari from , fur-ther confirmed by Alberto Munari conversation with author, February 10, Nevertheless, nei-ther the schools name nor its specialisation are noted. Bruno Muna-ri, quoted in Catalano See also Giuseppe Tarozzis summary of an interview with Munari: Nev-ertheless, considering that Munari per-manently settled in Milan only around , it seems likely that, at least in an initial phase of the transition, he was still periodically going from Milan to Badiaa situation that was likely facilitated by the blurred boundaries between his work life and family life.
Munari must have already felt a familiarity with design, which he had pursued on his own as an adolescent back in Badia: In any case, ample historio-graphic criticism has highlighted the poor quality of most teaching at Italian techni-cal schools of the day;50 nevertheless, in light of his uncles decision, it is difficult not to see a connection to his formative instruction, however rudimentary, at the institute in Naples. Be that as it may, that first professional experience brought him into contact with the engineering world and undoubtedly constituted a techni-cal apprenticeship that was important for his growth, initiating him in the techni-cal aspects of design that would later be-come such an essential part of his creative approach.
I have no particular memories of my ar-rival in Milan. I was from a small town and, obviously, the scale was different. Mi-lan felt like a very big, boundless city. Nev-ertheless, at least back then, Milan didnt seem like a metropolis. It was just big. Like other artists of his generation, and following the ideological premises of Futurism, which spoke of an art launched without prejudice into daily life, Munari felt no separation between the art seen in galleries and that of advertising, He had seventy lire in his pocket and nothing much at all in the way of prospects.
In Badia Polesine, where hed started out, he helped his father and mother run a hotel. He was turning nineteen and really didnt that line of work. He liked painting, drawing, invent-ing games Thats why he got bored of that Veneto town, and even got angry. So he took the train and came to Milan. An uncle engineer took him in until he could find him an-other place. Then, because the boy was good at draw-ing, he asked him to help draw some of the designs hed made Le persone che hanno fatto grande Milano, Guido Verganis account matches rather closely: He said hed become a Milanese in , when he came to town with only 70 lire in his pocket and a sole callingthat of no longer being a factotum in the little hotel his folks kept up amid the poverty of Badia Polesine Vergani in Finessi Information de-duced from an English-lan-guage biographical sketch, certainly written by Munari himself evident not only from the English that is clearly moulded on Italian, but also from the type of information given, carefully selected to focus on both his childhood and his artistic experiences , provided by the Dutch publisher Steen-drukkerij de Jong in for the launch of his illeg-ible red and white book for the Kwadrat-Bladen series: A copy of the book is now in the Domus Archives, Milan Munari, file But I only studied a bit of engineering, which was utterly useless!
Im just curious, Im an experi-menter, Bruno Munari, cit-ed in Manera On the Italian school system, see Aquarone This de-cisionwhich Munari repeatedly returned to over the years, making it an integral part of his reading of his own careerwas dic-tated by a need for economic independence that would keep him from paying any heed to art-market logic, as well as his uninhib-ited, avant-garde vision of aesthetic activ-ity, understood as unconfined creativity, which guaranteed him maximal freedom to practice whatever kind of visual research he wishedfrom painting to photography, poster design, mobile sculptures, trade-fair exhibitions, ceramics, theatrical sets, fur-niture design, and commercial graphics: I did it so as not to feel bound to any deal-er [I chose graphic design] with the same enthusiasm I did everything else with, because I dont believe there are any first-class or second-class actions in life: I approach everything with curiosity.
Mauzan later worked primarily in advertising: He was ever-faithful to his principle of always having a job as advertising designer, art director, il-lustrator , so as to remain economically independent from the fickle art market. This information appears first in Pesavento, Palieri , and was re-printed in the Bolaffi catalogue. Mirande Carn-val-Mauzan, daughter of the French affichiste, does not recall her father ever mentioning Munari let-ter to author, October 29, , but that is not so surprising, given that Mu-naris collaboration with the Morzenti studio began after Mauzan left for South America Achille Luciano Mauzan , was a French painter, illustrator, and art deco poster artist.
His best-known poster was done for a loan program through the Credito Italiano , which uses the device of a soldier pointing his finger at the viewer, first stylised in a poster designed by Alfred Leete featuring Lord Kitch-ener At the end of Mauzan left Italy for Argentina, where he re-mained until his suc-cess as a commercial artist contributed greatly to the emergent Argentine graphic tradition , before finally returning to France, where his work gained little recog-nition.
There are very few critical studies of his work, even in French: The illustration used as the logo on letterheadportraying a Joker shouting into the ear of a Pierrotis representative of Mauzans later, more congenial cari-caturistic style reproduced in CarnvalMauzan Mauzan was well known in Milan, even amongst the general public: AnimationFrom the first attempts at film advertis-ingcarried out in the s with slide film and stop-motion animationsthis medium had rapidly spread through Italy, apace with the rapid success of synchro-nised sound.
Even when the success of cartoons by Walt Disney, Max Fleischer, and Pat Sullivan revived public interest in the genre, Ital-ian production in the field remained fairly small, given the ongoing lack of both in-dustrial capital and technical know-how, and was primarily limited to adverts and publicity shorts produced with creative obstinacy and passion in small studios, of-ten on custom-made equipment.
Munari introduced Carlo Cossio, who began as a comic-strip artist,61 See, for example, the Scampoli a met prezzo poster Scraps at half price, , reproduced in Car-nvalMauzan In particular, with regard to the studios relation-ship with Munari, see two posters now extant only in reproductions of mock-ups in LUfficio Moderno, No-vember For example, the first cinematic advertis-ing company in Italy was PubliCine, founded in the twenties by the journalist Felice Minetti, which cov-ered approximately half of the more than 1, cin-emas nationwide Ceserani As for Italy, the first film with synchronised sound was produced in Gen-naro Righellis La canzone dellamore.
See also Zanotto, Zangrando For an overview of the most famous televi-sion commercials produced in Italy from the late fifties onward, see Croce with enclosed DVD. The first strip drawn by Carlo Cossio, with dia-logue and texts by Mario NerbiniLe avventure avia-torie di un balillinodebuted in as a supplement to the weekly comic Il , published by Giuseppe Nerbini.
Of great his-torical significance, in 24 25Italys most mechanical cityas well as his brother Vittorio to Milans animation scene, where they met other artists, including Giuseppe Perego and Fer-dinando Corbella. We gave them articulated limbs by putting little pieces of copper at the leg and arm joints, at the waistline, and at the bottom of the neck to hold the pieces together.
Laid horizontally on the flat set, under a vertically mounted film camera, the characters were then moved by hand and photographed one shot at a time, one movement after another. Naturally their movements were limited to whatever could be shown with the cut-out profile, with jumps and similar actionsthat is, without any per-spectival depth. In order to obtain the effect of depth, we sometimes drew the character on the set; the character was then drawn again, with the necessary movements for each action and each shot, including the set. In , Carlo Cos-sio founded Dibicoss, which later be-came Doricoss DB, both studios specialised in mod-ern advertising art.
In , after a few ups and downs, Cossio moved to Paris to deepen his knowledge of cinema, and returned to Milan at the end of , when he became the techni-cal director of Milionfilm, an agency specialised in feature-length animations. In he left the world of animation to work in comics, and drew strips for various papers, until in he became successful with the character Dick Fulmine Dick Lightning , whose adventures appeared in the pages of LAudace.
Other characters created at the tip of his pencil included the boxer Furio Almirantewhich was then carried for-ward by his brother Vittorio Tanks pugno dacciaio, Kansas Kid, and Buffalo Bill Telloli Bruno Munari, quoted in Zanotto, Zan-grando The ar-gument for minimum effort as the motivation for hu-man progress appeared in Design e comunicazione visiva Munari Vittorio Cossio, quoted in Zanotto, Zan-grando The cel, patented by the Ameri-can artist Earl Hurd in , allowed animators to draw the background separately, and then animate the char-acters by painting on trans-parent sheets of celluloid acetate, with each cel corre-sponding to a single frame of the sequence.
Munari often remem-bered his first contact with the avant-garde movement, and was amused by the paradoxverbal and otherwiseof a Futur-ist meeting in an antiquarian bookshop. In corso Vittorio Emanuele there was a little gallery, the Galleria De Cristoforis; its ceiling had a skylight, and it was an antique shop, with antiquarian books. In the window display I saw an essay on Leonardo da Vinci. I went in and asked if I could have a look. The shopkeeper was quite kind to me, I told him why I was in Milan and he told me about the Futurists.
Bruno Munari, let-ter to Tullio Crali, undated . See the interviews by Rossi The surname, coined in , was a pun meaning roughly I take leave by my-self, with wordplay based strictly on assonance, and therefore was not merely an Italianisation of a foreign name as Munari often said.
Forced Italianisation of foreign names began only in the thirties, under the Fascist Party Secretary Achille Starace, along with other imposed nationalis-tic rules such as using the Roman salute instead of the handshake, the obligatory black shirt worn by govern-ment employees, and the abolition of lei, the formal 28Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, Their encounter was not entirely casualthey must have met near the bookshop: Munari had heard talk of the Futurists from a guest who had stayed at the family hotel in Badia, and as a boy he had discovered painting by following two friends who were aspiring painters: I came into contact with a lot of people, be-cause all sorts stopped in at the hotel Before the war a lot of businessmen passed through and stayed one or two nights, and one of them told me about Futurism.
I re-member he had a handkerchief around his neck, which was strange at the time, because most people just wore a shirt and tie, and I was intrigued. I was about eighteen, and I started to do some drawings, but I didnt know how to do anything, I just made it up as I went. I had two painter friends Gino Visentini and Gelindo Furlan: From to Marinetti had managed the movements official headquarters at the Ca Rossa on corso Venezia 61, just outside the citys historic centre, and from those offices he published the Edizioni Futuriste di Poesia Poesia Futurist editions.
Damaged by the bombardments, the hotel and the theatre designed by Angelo Cattaneo and Giacomo Santamaria were torn down after the war and replaced in by the Fondiaria Assicurazioni building and the new Gal-leria De Cristoforis; the original Art Nouveau facade has now been reconstructed with significant changes in nearby Piazza Liberty Paolo Colussi, Storia di Mi-lano, www. The Savini was an expensive restaurant dur-ing the day, but after dinner the tables were cleared and the large hall with red sofas became a literary parlour Tofanelli Gelindo Furlan followed his friend Munari to Milan and joined the Futurist group.
In , along with Munari and Ricas, he signed the Manifesto tecnico dellaero-plastica futurista Techni-cal Manifesto of Futurist Aeroplastics. In the forties he collaborated with Mu-nari on the creation of two games, Il Teatro dei bambini and Via dei Mercanti. Poesia was the liter-ary journal launched by Marinetti in his early years , which later evolved into the main Fu-turist publishing house. His con-victions, although not yet fully explicated, and perhaps influenced by the Futurists vehement claims, were nevertheless deeply felt and matched his natural inclination for experimentation.
The Second Wave of FuturismThe term Second Futurism was coined by art historians writing in the s to distinguish between the first and second waves of Futurism, which were split by World War I. Futurism was then experienc-ing a resurgence characterised by a genera-tional turnover and the expansion of artis-tic intervention into every aspect of daily life.
The latter was a response to the desire for a Futurist reconstruction of the universe as announced by Giacomo Balla and Fortu-nato Depero in the eponymous mani-festo, which presaged a total work of art: We aim to realise this total fusion in order to reconstruct the universe, making it more joyous, that is, wholly recreating it.
We will find abstract equivalents for all the universes forms and elements, and we will combine them all, according to the whims of inspiration, to shape plastic com-plexes that we will then set in motion. The evening classes of the Scuola darte applicata allIndustria del Castello Sforzesco School of Applied Arts and Indus-try at the Castello Sforze-sco, founded in as an annex of the Castellos Art museum, later to become the Museum of applied arts were modelled after a traditional art workshop; yet at the end of the twen-ties the curriculum was modernised.
Moreover, given the variety of subjects offered at the two schools, many students attended both, facilitated by their proximity and their offset schedules. Milan also had the Scuola del Libro della Societ Umanitaria Hu-manitarian Societys School of the Book Arts, a non-profit organisation estab-lished in to elevate the condition of the lower class-es through various activities, including vocational train-ing , which offered courses in book arts and typesetting: In nearby Monza, beginning in the Villa Reale which since had hosted an international biennial of decorative arts hosted the Istituto per le Arti Decorative e Industriali Institute for Decorative and Industrial Arts , a bona fide university of applied arts with a pedagogical model similar to that of the Bauhaus.
By the early thirties, the arrival of a few teachers who were actively engaged in contemporary cultural debatesMarcello Nizzoli, Edoardo Persico, Giuseppe Pagano in Mon-za , Carlo Dradi at the Castello , Atanasio Soldati at the School of the Book Arts reflected changing attitudes toward the ap-plied arts Dradi Such a stance was practised by early Futurists such as Fortunato Depero.
The text of the manifesto Ricostruzione futurista delluniverso Fu-turist Reconstruction of the Universe , written by Balla and Depero with Mari-nettis usual editing , was circulated as a pamphlet by the Futurist Directorate in Milan on 11 March For the full text, see Birolli The use of terms like abstrac-tion, colour and above all movement is vital, as is the list of industrial materials with which they were to assemble the new aes-thetic objects, plastic complexes: Coloured strands of wire, cotton, wool, silk, of every thickness.
Coloured glass, tissue paper, celluloid, wire netting, every sort of trans-parent, intensely coloured material. Fabrics, mirrors, metal sheets, coloured tin-foil, and all sorts of incredibly gaudy substances. Me-chanical, electrical, musical, and noise-mak-ing contraptions; chemically luminous liquids of variable colours; springs; levers; tubes; etc. With these means we will construct plas-tic complexes rotating on a pivot plastic complexes that disassemble themselves plastic complexes that appear and disap-pear fantastic toys to be viewed through lenses; little boxes to open up at night, from which pyrotechnical marvels will burst forth; contraptions in transformation, etc.
And little by little, as the range of interests affected by Futurist interven-tions grew more precise and ever broader, the Futurist activities of the twenties and thirties became truly interdisciplinary. For a concise time-line of the proliferation of specialised manifestos: In Anton Giulio Bragaglias Fotodinamismo futurista Futurist Photodynamism appeared, and soon after came cinema, with the manifesto La cinematografia futurista Futurist Film. As is amply attested to in the most recent Futur-ist historiography, following the fundamental research done by Enrico Crispolti: Anticipating the later interest in design culture, Balla and Deperos mani-festo is an essential tool for interpreting Futurism in its entirety Crispolti Tan-chis in turn sees it as the origin of many of Munaris visual works, both during the s as well as in the post-war period Tanchis More and more activities moved to Rome, which also coin-cided with Marinettis move to the nations capital in an attempt to grow closer to the political regime.
The case of Umberto Boccioni is em-blematic of this changed approach to com-mercial artistic practices compared to the beginning of the century: In particular, this viewpoint was championed by members of the Turin-based group, led by Filla and Nicolaj Diulgheroff, and the Milan-based group, led by Munarias well as two of the movements notables who were often in Milan alongside Marinetti: Depero,25 who had actively been involved Futurism was born with a true predisposition for advertising Salaris On an iconographic level, advertisingseen as an integral, meaningful aspect of the modern urban and industrial landscapewas repeatedly used in frag-mentary form in works of words-in-freedom and Fu-turist painting.
Of the group of artists who had signed the first Futurist painting and sculpture manifestos, Boc-cioni and SantElia had died in the war, Carr turned to Metaphysics, Soffici and Sironi were looking for the return to order championed by the Novecento move-ment, and Russolo ventured into esotericism Birolli Crispolti stresses the discontinuity between the work of the Futurists of the s as compared to those of the s and s: In the Galleria Centrale dArte in Palazzo Cova hosted a retrospec-tive of Boccionis work, and in the Great National Futurist Exhibition, which later travelled to Genoa and Florence, and in it mounted an exhibition of Deperos work, which was the last major Futurist ex-hibit until the later events at the Galleria Pesaro Bassi After his initial adherence to combative Fascism dur-ing the election year, in Marinetti distanced himself from Mussolinis movement, finding it overly conservative.
Marinettis rapprochement with the political leader, who was now firmly in power, was completed in with the First Futurist Congress organised in Milan, November and subsequent move to the capital city at the end of that year. Closer to the centre of political power, Marinetti constantly sought albeit to little ef-fect an alliance with the regime in order to have the Futurist movement recog-nised as the official State Art.
See, for example, the advertisements and covers made in for the Rivista mensile del Tou-ring reproduced in Fanelli, Godoli Yet we know from Boccionis diaries that his attempts to remain a viable commercial artist were largely unre-alised: For his diaries, see Z. Fortunato Depero is a key figure 32Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, in advertising since the early twenties, and Prampolini,26 who by the early thirties travelled between Rome, Milan, Paris, and Prague, working primarily on theatre sets and installations.
An emerging design cultureWithin the national context of the Futur-ist movement, the Milanese group not only seemed more diversified than others in its interestswhich ranged from inte-rior design to furnishing, objects, graph-ics for advertising and publishing, fashion, theatrical sets, and installationsbut also more experimental, in terms of the formal languages explored. The group also consti-tuted a significant element of the cultural climate that was widespread in Milan be-tween the two world wars, characterised by the emergent relationship between art and industryin which the later rise of Italian industrial design is rooted.
He later moved to Rome and studied with Balla, with whom he signed the mani-festo Ricostruzione futurista delluniverso in Depero was a thoroughly multi-disciplinary artist painter, sculptor, and designer of theatrical sets, costumes, interiors, tapestries, and advertising , and in he founded the Casa dAr-te Futurista Futurist Art House in Rovereto, which ran workshops through the forties. He was the only Futurist to have direct experience of the modern metropolis, as embodied in the collective imagina-tion of New York, where he lived and worked from to and, after the war, from to In addition to his famous bolted book Depero Futur-ista, in he published Numero Unico Futurista Campari, a unique collec-tion of writings, sketches, parolibere compositions, and advertisement sketches for Campari, which also contains his manifesto Il fu-turismo e larte pubblicitaria Futurism and Advertising art.
Although advertising provided Deperos main economic income, his work with industrial clientsaside from exceptional cases like Davide Campari, with whom he began a last-ing collaboration in remained sporadic. See Prampolini dal futurismo allinformale Roma: Edizioni Carte Se-grete, Enrico Pram-polini , painter and scenographer. Travel-ling frequently outside Italy, Prampolini was directly in touch with European avant-garde groups, especially with those movements more engaged in abstract researches: Between and Prampolini lived mainly in Paris, where he contributed to Section dOr and Cercle et Carr, was co-founder of Abs-traction et Cration with Vantongerloo and Arp, and came into contact with Sur-realism.
From Rome Pram-polini directed the Futurist journal Noi. An early adher-ent to Futurism, his paint-ing soon evolved towards Abstraction and was marked by the introduction of new materials; such modernist conception would eventu-ally lead him towards sce-nography, wall decoration, and architecture Crispolti In what is in many respects perhaps the most comprehensive interview given by Munari, Andrea Branzi emphasises how the Futurists formal investiga-tions were a precursor of Rationalism, and concludes, the phenomenon of Italian design in the fifties has deeper roots in late Futur-ism then in the Modern movement Branzi See also Crispolti Fu-turist examples of interior design which, interestingly, they termed global design include: The Italian Futur-ist installation at the Exposition Inter-nationale des Arts Dcoratifs et Industriels Modernes in Paris proves the connection between the experimental openness of sec-ond Futurism and the emergence of design in Milan in the s.
Curated by Azari, the installation was entrusted to Balla, Depe-ro, and Prampolini, who were perhaps the most active artists from the first generation still working in the vast field of decorative arts. The controversial exposition high-lighted the contrast between two opposing conceptions of design: The Futurist work presented to great acclaim in Paris represented in the concrete works, if not the intentions behind them an Italian flair for Rationalist, modern lines parallel to the ones seen in Le Corbusiers LEsprit Nouveau pavilion and the work of Melnikov and Rodchenko in the Soviet pa-vilion.
So, over the course of the s, not only did the second generation of Italian Futurists aspire to operate within a broader European dialoguedespite the countrys increasingly autarchic closure30but also particularly in Milan and Turin showed a significant convergence with the Ration-alist architecture movement and abstract art. On events related to the Futurists participation, see Pirani Initially excluded from the organis-ing committee, the Italian Futurist group was admitted rather late, after long ne-gotiations and Mussolinis direct intervention , and even then was only allowed to show outside the Ital-ian pavilion, in the Grand Palais.
Balla exhibited large decorative panels and painted tapestries; Depero tapestries, pillows, shawl designs, toys, and furniture designs; Prampolini carpets and theatrical sets Crispol-ti Overall, their work was characterised by an abstract, colourful style, which according to Cri-spolti had been developed by Giacomo Balla in the mid-teens amid the Roman Futurists alongside both Depero and Prampolini , and was therefore an alter-native to the Boccioni-cen-tric first wave of Futurism in Milan ibid.: Be-yond the supposed suprem-acy Futurism vaunted over other European avant-garde movements, the Futurists success at the Paris Exposi-tion was undeniable, even amidst the sceptical Italian critics, who were generally hostile to Marinetti.
Especially from on with the Ethio-pian War and the ensuing international sanctions , the Fascist regime increas-ingly isolated the country, restricting both commercial and cultural exchanges. Cultura del progetto is, literally, design culture; the term progetto can be read as design, but also as project and plan.
In post-war Italy this new phenomenon encompassed architecture, product de-sign, graphic design, fash-ion design, urban planning [Trans. Following the examples set by Depero and Prampolini, Munari developed a similar attitude toward all-en-compassing creative acts and interventions: They marked the end of a long transitional period, and saw the rise of significant new artists: For the broader con-text and a detailed record of the Milanese Futurists complex history, see the exhibition catalogue Cesa-re Andreoni e il Futurismo a Milano tra le due guerre Milan: Archivio Cesare Andreoni, , which features extensive critical appendices, in particular excellent contributions by Alberto Bassi and Enrico Crispolti, from which most of the information herein was drawn.
The design of the self-promotional volume was done by Depero, with Azaris collaboration on the cover and title page; the latter also came up with the idea of using nuts and bolts as a binding cf. A special edition with a metal cover was produced for prominent figures, such as Marinetti and Mussolini. Inside the book which has pages deploys the en-tire range of Futurist typo-graphic ideas, in the layout as well as in the use of dif-ferent papers, colour inks, and overprinting. The book contains typographic com-positions, proclamations, manifestos, photographs of installations, artwork reproductions, poems, and advertisements.
Fedele Aza-ri was a pilot, artist, and artists agent in addition to acting as a mediator in the sale of Fu-turist works, he negotiated Deperos contracts with companies such as Campari, Presbitero, Linoleum, Bian-chi. Azari died of a nervous breakdown Pansera a: Umberto Notari was a writer, journalist, Futurist pub-lisher, and Marinettis long-time friend; along with Fedele Azari, he was the main organiser of the First Futurist Congress in Milan in Founder of the Istituto Editoriale Italiano Italian Publish-ing Institute , of the daily newspaper LAmbrosiano , and of the monthly magazine La cucina italiana, he also owned the I.
In Notari opened the first Futurist bookshop in via Montenapoleone, the Li-breriaBiblioteca Notari a bookshop-library decorated by Luciano Baldessari, an-other member of the Milan Futurist group. It rose to the fore in December with a series of articles published in the journal Rassegna Italianain which they announced new standards for modern architecture, in keeping with current Euro-pean theories. Despite Marinettis managerial skills, the Italian Futurist movement had never won significant critical or popular favour, as tastes tended toward more classical work, such as that of the Novecento move-ment.
Futurism had taken over alternative spaces, thanks to their strategy of cultural agitation that garnered them a degree of visibility soires, theatrical performances, manifestos, and publishers promotion , yet it continued to suffer a lack of tacti-cal access and the means to mount official events that would have a broader appeal. The new exhibition season began in the autumn of , when the Galleria Pesaro in via Manzoni hosted the Mostra di tren-taquattro pittori futuristi Group show of thirty-four Futurist Painters and event that marked the beginning of the gal-lerys long-standing relationship with the Milanese group: Created as an auction house in the s, Lino Pesaros gallery had developed a detailed exhibition program of solo and group shows featuring both figurative and decorative art, which had sumptuous spac-es three large rooms with a library annex in the prestigious Palazzo Poldi Pezzoli; all this was supplemented by his publishing venture, and soon became an important centre for the citys artistic and literary circles.
I was making paintings that were more abstract than they were Fu-turist, and I titled them aeropaintings. Throughout Italy the Novecento move-ment reigned supreme and I gladly stood by the Futurists, as they had a greater feel for freedom and respect for others. In the Galleria Pesaro had launched the historic core of the Nove-cento group Mario Sironi, Anselmo Bucci, Achille Funi, Ubaldo Oppi, Leonardo Dudreville, Emilio Malerba, and Pietro Marussi , which Margherita Sarfattiwriter, art critic, and Mussolinis mistresssupported as patroness and curator, con-tributing to its success in Italy as the regimes official art, despite Marinettis ef-forts to have that honour bestowed upon Futurism instead.
Lino Pesaros col-laboration with the Futur-ists continued through , when their rapport ended for unknown reasons that year the Milanese Futur-ists annual exhibition was held at the Galleria delle Tre Arti. The Galleria Pe-saro closed in after serious financial problems; later that same year, Lino Pesaro committed suicide. See Ciceri ; Bassi Guido Vergani in Finessi The gruppo dei cappotti lisi is literally the group dressed in worn over-coats [Trans. Ivo Pannaggi , painter, il-lustrator, set designer, graphic designer, archi-tect, journalist. Alongside Prampolini, Pannaggi was one of the Italian Futur-ists most overtly linked to the European avant-gardes, especially the Russians.
He was self-taught, and settled in Rome, where he joined the Futurist group affili-ated with the Casa darte Bragaglia. He was a close friend of Vinicio Paladinis, with whom he shared both his non-representational pictorial style as well as his political orientation which lead him to break with Ma-rinetti. Through Paladini he discovered photomon-tage, and used it primarily 36Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, friend, for 50 lire: He soon caught the critics atten-tion, as well as Marinettis eye, and by Oc-tober Marinetti unwaveringly called him the leader of the Milanese group.
He also signed several of the theoreti-cal manifestos: This period is characterised by a heterogeneous artistic outputhis work shows both his assimilation of the styles and influences of other artists, as well as his experimentation with various creative materials and tech-niques. On the one hand, such open-mindedness led him to try out the various expressive modes of recent artistic trends; on the other, it let him work across all fields, without limiting himself solely to paint, canvas, and brush.
His paintings from this time, although they show clear Futurist influences, remained fairly tradi-tional, and included works on canvas, pan-el, and paper; overall, even though he con-tinued painting through the fifties, it was a sideline for him. As Meneguzzo emphasises, for publishing commissions. His work as a graphic art-ist range from advertising posters to book covers, and was clearly influenced by the Constructivists, with extensive use of diagonal compositions, photomon-tage, and geometric letter-ing.
In he exhibited for the first time in the usa, at the Brooklyn Museum, on invitation of the Societ Anonyme. He intermit-tently studied architecture in Rome and Florence, and in 29 moved to Berlin, where in he attended the Bauhaus during its last semester before closure. In the thirties he worked as a foreign correspondent for several Italian newspapers and magazines LAmbro-siano, Casabella, Edilizia Moderna, Domus. He fre-quently travelled between Germany and Italy, and in 42 he moved to Nor-way, where he worked as an architect and designer.
He returned to Italy in the seventies.